Informative discussion about the bias of traditional media in order to anticipate scenarios of socio - political participation was the objective of this work. A documentary study was carried out with an intentional selection of sources indexed to international repositories, considering the period from 2010 to 2018, as well as the search by keywords. A model for the study of the phenomenon was specified, but the research design limited the debate and the modeling of the variables, suggesting the extension of work in media scenarios.
An agenda is the expression of a reflective, deliberative, participatory, entrepreneurial and emancipatory society of its own axes and central themes of discussion, agreement and responsibility . It is a scenario in which the parties converge based on their exposed or potential interests. However, literature has addressed it as part of a political, economic, social, cultural or technological process without considering the ability of the actors to compensate for their disabilities, meet their needs and take advantage of their opportunities.
The literature, roughly, warns that the media process begins and ends with the media, if those who control them play in another scenario of power and influence . The state of the matter is aware that an agenda is a cluster of symbols and data, but they do not know why the supply and demand of these balances or not the capacities of organizations and institutions in electoral or contingent contexts such as risk events. This is how the agenda is considered the most important media process; television, radio, press and cinema, but very little is known of a central dimension that the same literature identifies as media bias or agenda setting effect and framing. Even the literature has explored the power of the media in its audiences through intensity or priming bias and reconfigurative bias or melding effect, but has not discussed why a phenomenon such as risk events; Hurricanes, frosts, droughts, fires, earthquakes, floods or storms have an apparently natural origin and impact local or federal elections months later. Well, a review of the theory that brings together other conceptual matrices will be pertinent to explain the exposed relationships.
The complexity of a media and tourist town such as Xilitla, center and Mexico can be explained from the Psychosocial Theories of Conflict and Change. The v water ulnerability, precarious work, intensity migration and identity resilient are explained from theory Social Belonging Theory Social Categorization, Theory and Social Representation Theory Social Identity. If Local Development is considered as a framework of water, migration and labor situations aimed at the resilience of a community, the Theory of Social Belonging (TPS) would suggest that groups generate a dynamic such that each of its members seeks to adhere to the shared symbols. It is a loyalty process not only to the groups to which the individual belongs, but to the groups to which he wishes to belong. In the process of joining a group, people adjust their decisions and actions to the norm of a group . The transgression of the group principles propitiates sanctions that reorient the adherence of the individual to the group.
However, within each group, asymmetric power relations are created that make the conflicts that will define adherence to the norm inescapable. That is, membership in a group symbolizes a membership that is renewed each time the conflict defines the propensity or aversion to norms which, by the way, are redefined through asymmetric relationships. The conflict activates the change from one group to another and with it, the conformity or innovation of the rule  as the conflicts intens if, the normativity disincentives the asymmetries between the members. In the course of time and in the course of the rules, individuals renew their votes to set up new groups.
Social psychologists have developed the Social Categorization Theory (TCS) to explain homogeneity within a group and heterogeneity in reference to other groups. It is a perceptual bias that explains the endogenous conflict of interests or social change . In the case of regulations, people adjust their principles, decisions and actions to a group prototype. The assignment of a role by the group makes the individual more likely to adhere, even defend, the statutes of the reference group. It is the formation of an individual's self-concept in reference to the prototypical norm of the group. In this sense, the TCS explains two processes: Depersonalization and ethnocentrism . That is, in their desire to join a group, everyone reduces their expectations to the norm of a group and exalts the normative principles of the group to which they belong or want to belong.
Although social categorization explains cohesion, cooperation and influence, it also explains conflicts of interest and innovation. The group dynamic is such that it requires constant changes for its preservation . Conformity guarantees the preservation of values, beliefs, perceptions, attitudes and even knowledge, but the conflict drives the development of new asymmetric relationships and with it, competition and innovation. Therefore, a minority is able to dissuade another minority and persuade a majority. In summary, the TCS maintains that each person continuously processes fragmented information about the group, the space and the resources they have such information processing is biased since the norms of a group are the result of experiences and in experiences . It is the perception of the individual in charge of joining the pieces and giving an eminently symbolic meaning of comparison between the current situation of a group in reference to its prospective situation and that of other groups.
The TPS and the TCS are part of a symbolic communicative process known as social representation. Social psychologists suggest that such a process includes two dimensions: objectification and anchoring . In essence, the Social Representation Theory (TRS), unlike the TPS and the TCS, defines the group processes to their communicative aspects. The asymmetric differences that give rise to the structuring conflict are considered by the TRS as informative differences that exalt the beliefs and knowledge of each individual. In this sense, the conflict would be an antecedent of the change that would consist of replacing beliefs with knowledge . As conflicts activate a group's internal or external communication, they reduce the diversity of personal symbols to a few group meanings . It is a process of exhaustion of personal beliefs and their transformation into group knowledge. However, the structuring conflict seems to take place in a peripheral zone of social representations in reference to a central nucleus in which symbols are constituted in traditions, customs and customs. Precisely, the naturalization of the symbols is carried out in the figurative nucleus that legitimizes the stigmas towards a minority group while it disappears as a group reference . In such a process, objectification and anchoring explain the landing of abstract concepts and their conversion into concrete entities. In summary, the TRS duly explains the processing of information that affects the choice of a group, its communication styles and influence.
Although TPS, TCS and TRS seem to envision the choice of a group, social psychologists have developed the Theory of Social Identity (TIS) to explain the relationship between situations, decisions and actions of individuals when choosing the group, they want to belong to. Social identity, as well as belonging, categorization and representation seem to have two dimensions for its analysis: self-categorical and hetero-categorical . The first refers to the identification made by the dominant, majority or minority group, regarding their capacities and resources, attributing them to extra properties that make them different from the other group members.
In contrast, dominated elements seem to attribute their situation to their capabilities. Asymmetric relationships in a group seem to be explained from the attributions that its members make of themselves in reference to the other members. The differences between both groups, low and high status, seem to be legitimized and justified based on social identity . The permanence of such internalized attributions is explained by the internalization that each group makes of the characteristics attributed to them. A group convinces itself of its capabilities once it has undermined the version of the other groups that perceive it. In terms of communication, a stimulus that is presented as an essential part of different groups, high or low status, underlies two biases: an intra-categorical homogeneity and an inter-categorial differentiation. On the one hand, the individuals of a group consider that said communicative stimuli are inexorable to their characteristics, causing them to be perceived as different from other groups of greater or lesser status.
However, when communicative stimuli are perceived as inherent in a group, the consequence is a perception of illegitimacy, then a structuring conflict is generated that will result in a change of group identity. In summary, the conflict that structures the individual as a social actor by inserting it into the norms of a group. This process is limited to minority or majority status . The symbols and meanings among the members of a group seem to focus on a representation core in which the objectification, anchoring and naturalization of the information shape the group's status and its corresponding norms. The assignment of a role by the group homogenizes the identity, but innovation diversifies the normativity of the groups. In the case of Xilitla, the theories presented would suggest that water vulnerability, job insecurity, migratory intensity and resilient identity are the result of belonging, categorization, representation and social identity. That is, water scarcity and commercial activities, explain the migration and issuance of remittances, but psychosocial processes would suggest that the availability of water and commercial work of Xilitla are the result of conflicts that were structured in minorities and majorities to the communities and localities of the region. Apparently, the normative symbols of the entity that were built within the Huasteca micro region contributed decisively to the Local Development of Xilitla. That is to say, the symbolic representation core delineated the axes of search for opportunities in which migration was a primary instrument. Once water resources were depleted, agriculture ceased to be the local economic support. Government authorities encouraged tourism and trade committed, even more, the sustainability of the region. In the first instance, the migration was an escape valve and later, it was transformed into a resilience instrument. Collaborative networks and remittance nodes were structured around the migratory flows. Once sent to the region, the local economy was reactivated, but at the cost of restructuring the majorities that continued to practice agriculture and at the cost of exalting the minorities that diversified the commerce of the region. Such a process proved insufficient to even preserve the resources committed by its scarcity.
The region of Xilitla is in a situation such that its relationship with nature does not seem to worry as long as it does not compromise its uses and customs. In this sense, the study of the preservation of the environment would indicate the degree of sustainability, vulnerability and resilience of the region. Therefore, it is necessary to interpret the speeches that the migrant community of the Huasteca region expresses in the face of water scarcity, job insecurity and the search for employment outside the region.
The contribution of the present work to the state of the matter lies in the discussion about the socio-political framework in the establishment of a local agenda, assuming differences between the political and social actors, public and private sectors involved in the media phenomenon, but the design of the research limited the debate by directing the specification towards a zero-sum scenario . suggest the study of the framework based on the distinctive category of citizenship since it is the media that adjust to their new contemporary status without considering their capacity for agency, but in The present work has discussed that the media bias not only drives agendas or builds discussion topics but also forms the opinion of citizens regardless of their discursive update , are committed to a civic and democratic formation focused on ethics, knowing that these socio-political structures materialize in provisions against or in favor of a media reality.
This paper insists that reality, whatever it may be, acquires media status when it is symbolized, processed, configured, recreated and reused as a self - managing instrument of expressiveness. The speech is only an instrument of transformation of data or symbols that humans carry out to reduce or amplify a message or propaganda , point out that the categories of citizenship, democracy and governance have in common the social services that are an institutional framework of the facts as far as needs are concerned, since, if health is the fundamental axis of the State , then the media would not have to minimize or expand the data on births or deaths because they would be subject to constant scrutiny by a population extremely interested in discussing the asymmetries between state and institutional information regarding media.
Research lines related to informational bias will allow us to observe the similarities with other institutional, political or civil agendas but, above all, the construction of a public agenda will allow progress towards deliberative democracy.